Friday, February 17, 2006

 

U.S., Dutch architects plot a new New Orleans

12:54 PM CST on Thursday, February 16, 2006

Toby Sterling / Associated Press

ROTTERDAM, Netherlands -- The new New Orleans could contain schools on hills, dikes thick enough to double as public parks, and a futuristic zigzag-shaped building with hanging gardens that will symbolize the city's rebirth and summon home its scattered residents.

Dozens of architects, urban planners and scholars sketched out their post-hurricane recovery ideas at a conference and exhibition in the port city of Rotterdam on Thursday, as the discussions on rebuilding the American Gulf Coast moves into the early planning phase.

Because of the similar engineering obstacles faced by the low-lying Netherlands and Louisiana delta, Tulane University and the Netherlands' Architectural Institute jointly issued a challenge to the experts to develop plans to regenerate New Orleans in the wake of Katrina's devastation.

Design ideas will be on display in Rotterdam through March 6 and will then travel to Washington, New York, and eventually to New Orleans, though exact dates and venues haven't been scheduled.

"When you think that the population of metropolitan New Orleans before Katrina was 485,000 and it's now 150,000, so two-thirds of the city is gone. The question of how to rebuild becomes very difficult," said Reed Kroloff, dean of Tulane's School of Architecture.

Kroloff is also heading the city's recovery team, which will assess damage to neighborhoods and report back to the mayor with initial rebuilding proposals. But he said the projects on display would likely never be built. "They are intended as thought-provoking, visionary schemes," he said.

"Gatherings like this allow us to begin to look at the whole range from individual buildings, to larger symbolic buildings, to the landscape itself," he said.

Kroloff argued that rebuilding the city will require restoring trust in government at all levels, and the involvement of the people living in the city.

As an example of incorporating bottom-up ideas, the Rotterdam firm MVDRV drew inspiration from a drawing made by a New Orleans elementary school girl, of an imaginary hill that would have provided safety when her neighborhood flooded.

Inspired by the drawing, the firm designed a hill to be built from debris and wreckage, just across the freeway from the Superdome. It would contain an elementary school cradled in its heart.

"It could serve as a safe place when the city floods again, but it's also a little cynical, a reminder that it can happen again," said exhibition curator Emiliano Gandolfi. "It's good to be critical, to remember that."

A joint plan by Hargreaves Associates of Boston and West 8 of Rotterdam would use New Orleans's City Park as an incubator during recovery.

First, fresh water would flow through the park to flush out salt water absorbed during post-Katrina flooding, and temporary housing would be set up on the park's west side to house residents as they return.

Then, as people moved out to new, permanent homes, the park would be used as a tree farm. When mature, some trees would be used to replace those lost in the city's destruction. Others would decorate new parks along thick dikes that will stand where the town's old levies crumbled.

In the final stage, the park would go back to being just a park. But it would contain mini-river deltas capable of absorbing and pumping extra water out to sea in case the city floods again.

"The Ziggurat" -- a zigzag-shaped building resembling ancient stepped palaces -- was designed by UN Studio of Amsterdam in an attempt to create a unique and instantly recognizable building that would be a symbol of New Orleans' rebirth. The Ziggurat would house a media library, city offices, a large auditorium -- and have hanging gardens like those of ancient Babylon.

Tim Christ, from the Los Angeles firm Morphosis, called his team's plan "a provocation." Asked to design a project for an iconic building, they instead proposed a radical refocus of the whole city, condensing it into the historical city center.

"There's not an architectural problem, the problem is displacement of people," Christ said. "Logic dictates, there's no way to provide fire protection, police, teachers, schools, roads and street lights in all areas that were destroyed. There's no tax base to pay for it."

The Morphosis proposal would create a new park in the lowest part of the new city center, and allow other low-lying areas outside the center to return to marshy delta.

Houses built outside the approved zone, especially cheaply built houses constructed since the 1970s, would simply be left alone -- vulnerable to future flooding and hurricane winds and impossible to insure.

Aaron Betsky, the U.S.-born director of the Netherlands' Architecture Institute, said that while the Morphosis idea sounds extreme, there is also a danger the city will be rebuilt with little funding or planning.

"In that case, you'll see people building on cinder blocks stacked six feet high," he said. "That will be the concrete nail in the city's architectural coffin."

(Copyright 2006 by The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.)
Online at: http://www.wwltv.com/local/stories/wwl021606khdutch.32bb01f1.html

Friday, February 10, 2006

 

White House Knew of Levee's Failure on Night of Storm

By ERIC LIPTON
http://www.nytimes.com/2006/02/10/politics/10katrina.html

WASHINGTON, Feb. 9 — In the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, Bush administration officials said they had been caught by surprise when they were told on Tuesday, Aug. 30, that a levee had broken, allowing floodwaters to engulf New Orleans.

But Congressional investigators have now learned that an eyewitness account of the flooding from a federal emergency official reached the Homeland Security Department's headquarters starting at 9:27 p.m. the day before, and the White House itself at midnight.

The Federal Emergency Management Agency official, Marty Bahamonde, first heard of a major levee breach Monday morning. By late Monday afternoon, Mr. Bahamonde had hitched a ride on a Coast Guard helicopter over the breach at the 17th Street Canal to confirm the extensive flooding. He then telephoned his report to FEMA headquarters in Washington, which notified the Homeland Security Department.

"FYI from FEMA," said an e-mail message from the agency's public affairs staff describing the helicopter flight, sent Monday night at 9:27 to the chief of staff of Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff and recently unearthed by investigators. Conditions, the message said, "are far more serious than media reports are currently reflecting. Finding extensive flooding and more stranded people than they had thought — also a number of fires."

Michael D. Brown, who was the director of FEMA until he resigned under pressure on Sept. 12, said in a telephone interview Thursday that he personally notified the White House of this news that night, though he declined to identify the official he spoke to.

White House officials have confirmed to Congressional investigators that the report of the levee break arrived there at midnight, and Trent Duffy, the White House spokesman, acknowledged as much in an interview this week, though he said it was surrounded with conflicting reports.

But the alert did not seem to register. Even the next morning, President Bush, on vacation in Texas, was feeling relieved that New Orleans had "dodged the bullet," he later recalled. Mr. Chertoff, similarly confident, flew Tuesday to Atlanta for a briefing on avian flu. With power out from the high winds and movement limited, even news reporters in New Orleans remained unaware of the full extent of the levee breaches until Tuesday.

The federal government let out a sigh of relief when in fact it should have been sounding an "all hands on deck" alarm, the investigators have found.

This chain of events, along with dozens of other critical flashpoints in the Hurricane Katrina saga, has for the first time been laid out in detail following five months of work by two Congressional committees that have assembled nearly 800,000 pages of documents, testimony and interviews from more than 250 witnesses. Investigators now have the documentation to pinpoint some of the fundamental errors and oversights that combined to produce what is universally agreed to be a flawed government response to the worst natural disaster in modern American history.

On Friday, Mr. Brown, the former FEMA director, is scheduled to testify before the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee. He is expected to confirm that he notified the White House on that Monday, the day the hurricane hit, that the levee had given way, the city was flooding and his crews were overwhelmed.

"There is no question in my mind that at the highest levels of the White House they understood how grave the situation was," Mr. Brown said in the interview.

The problem, he said, was the handicapping of FEMA when it was turned into a division of the Homeland Security Department in 2003.

"The real story is with this new structure," he said. "Why weren't more things done, or what prevented or delayed Mike Brown from being able to do what he would have done and did do in any other disaster?"

Although Mr. Bahamonde said in October that he had notified Mr. Brown that Monday, it was not known until recently what Mr. Brown or the Homeland Security Department did with that information, or when the White House was told.

Missteps at All Levels

It has been known since the earliest days of the storm that all levels of government — from the White House to the Department of Homeland Security to the Louisiana Capitol to New Orleans City Hall — were unprepared, uncommunicative and phlegmatic in protecting Gulf Coast residents from the floodwaters and their aftermath. But an examination of the latest evidence by The New York Times shines a new light on the key players involved in the important turning points: what they said, what they did and what they did not do, all of which will soon be written up in the committees' investigative reports.

Among the findings that emerge in the mass of documents and testimony were these:

¶Federal officials knew long before the storm showed up on the radar that 100,000 people in New Orleans had no way to escape a major hurricane on their own and that the city had finished only 10 percent of a plan for how to evacuate its largely poor, African-American population.

¶Mr. Chertoff failed to name a principal federal official to oversee the response before the hurricane arrived, an omission a top Pentagon official acknowledged to investigators complicated the coordination of the response. His department also did not plan enough to prevent a conflict over which agency should be in charge of law enforcement support. And Mr. Chertoff was either poorly informed about the levee break or did not recognize the significance of the initial report about it, investigators said.

¶The Louisiana transportation secretary, Johnny B. Bradberry, who had legal responsibility for the evacuation of thousands of people in nursing homes and hospitals, admitted bluntly to investigators, "We put no plans in place to do any of this."

¶Mayor C. Ray Nagin of New Orleans at first directed his staff to prepare a mandatory evacuation of his city on Saturday, two days before the storm hit, but he testified that he had not done so that day while he and other city officials struggled to decide if they should exempt hospitals and hotels from the order. The mandatory evacuation occurred on Sunday, and the delay exacerbated the difficulty in moving people away from the storm.

¶The New Orleans Police Department unit assigned to the rescue effort, despite many years' worth of flood warnings and requests for money, had just three small boats and no food, water or fuel to supply its emergency workers.

¶Investigators could find no evidence that food and water supplies were formally ordered for the Convention Center, where more than 10,000 evacuees had assembled, until days after the city had decided to open it as a backup emergency shelter. FEMA had planned to have 360,000 ready-to-eat meals delivered to the city and 15 trucks of water in advance of the storm. But only 40,000 meals and five trucks of water had arrived.

Representative Thomas M. Davis III, Republican of Virginia, chairman of the special House committee investigating the hurricane response, said the only government agency that performed well was the National Weather Service, which correctly predicted the force of the storm. But no one heeded the message, he said.

"The president is still at his ranch, the vice president is still fly-fishing in Wyoming, the president's chief of staff is in Maine," Mr. Davis said. "In retrospect, don't you think it would have been better to pull together? They should have had better leadership. It is disengagement."

One of the greatest mysteries for both the House and Senate committees has been why it took so long, even after Mr. Bahamonde filed his urgent report on the Monday the storm hit, for federal officials to appreciate that the levee had broken and that New Orleans was flooding.

Eyewitness to Devastation

As his helicopter approached the site, Mr. Bahamonde testified in October, there was no mistaking what had happened: large sections of the levee had fallen over, leaving the section of the city on the collapsed side entirely submerged, but the neighborhood on the other side relatively dry. He snapped a picture of the scene with a small camera.

"The situation is only going to get worse," he said he warned Mr. Brown, then the FEMA director, whom he called about 8 p.m. Monday Eastern time to report on his helicopter tour.

"Thank you," he said Mr. Brown replied. "I am now going to call the White House."

Citing restrictions placed on him by his lawyers, Mr. Brown declined to tell House investigators during testimony if he had actually made that call. White House aides have urged administration officials not to discuss any conversations with the president or his top advisors and declined to release e-mail messages sent among Mr. Bush's senior advisors.

But investigators have found the e-mail message referring to Mr. Bahamonde's helicopter survey that was sent to John F. Wood, chief of staff to Secretary Chertoff at 9:27 p.m. They have also found a summary of Mr. Bahamonde's observations that was issued at 10:30 p.m. and an 11:05 p.m. e-mail message to Michael Jackson, the deputy secretary of homeland security. Each message describes in detail the extensive flooding that was taking place in New Orleans after the levee collapse.

Given this chain of events, investigators have repeatedly questioned why Mr. Bush and Mr. Chertoff stated in the days after the storm that the levee break did not happen until Tuesday, as they made an effort to explain why they initially thought the storm had passed without the catastrophe that some had feared.

"The hurricane started to depart the area on Monday, and then Tuesday morning the levee broke and the water started to flood into New Orleans," Mr. Chertoff said on CBS's "Face the Nation" on Sunday, Sept. 4, the weekend after the hurricane hit.

Mr. Chertoff and White House officials have said that they were referring to official confirmation that the levee had broken, which they say they received Tuesday morning from the Army Corps of Engineers. They also say there were conflicting reports all day Monday about whether a breach had occurred and noted that they were not alone in failing to recognize the growing catastrophe.

Mr. Duffy, the White House spokesman, said it would not have made much difference even if the White House had realized the significance of the midnight report. "Like it or not, you cannot fix a levee overnight, or in an hour, or even six hours," he said.

But Senator Susan Collins, Republican of Maine and chairwoman of the Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, said it was obvious to her in retrospect that Mr. Chertoff, perhaps in deference to Mr. Brown's authority, was not paying close enough attention to the events in New Orleans and that the federal response to the disaster may have been slowed as a result.

"Secretary Chertoff was too disengaged from the process," Ms. Collins said in an interview.

Compounding the problem, once Mr. Chertoff learned of the levee break on Tuesday, he could not reach Mr. Brown, his top emergency response official, for an entire day because Mr. Brown was on helicopter tours of the damage.

Senator Joseph I. Lieberman of Connecticut, the ranking Democrat on the homeland security committee, said the government confusion reminded him of the period surrounding the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001.

"Information was in different places, in that case prior to the attack," Mr. Lieberman said, "and it wasn't reaching the key decision makers in a coordinated way for them to take action."

Russ Knocke, a homeland security spokesman, said that although Mr. Chertoff had been "intensely involved in monitoring the storm" he had not actually been told about the report of the levee breach until Tuesday, after he arrived in Atlanta.

"No one is satisfied with the response in the early days," Mr. Knocke said.

But he rejected criticism by Senator Collins and others that Mr. Chertoff was disengaged.

"He was not informed of it," Mr. Knocke said. "It is certainly a breakdown. And through an after-action process, that is something we will address."

The day before the hurricane made landfall, the Homeland Security Department issued a report predicting that it could lead to a levee breach that could submerge New Orleans for months and leave 100,000 people stranded. Yet despite these warnings, state, federal and local officials acknowledged to investigators that there was no coordinated effort before the storm arrived to evacuate nursing homes and hospitals or others in the urban population without cars.

Focus on Highway Plan

Mr. Bradberry, the state transportation secretary, told an investigator that he had focused on improving the highway evacuation plan for the general public with cars and had not attended to his responsibility to remove people from hospitals and nursing homes. The state even turned down an offer for patient evacuation assistance from the federal government.

In fact, the city was desperately in need of help. And this failure would have deadly consequences. Only 21 of the 60 or so nursing homes were cleared of residents before the storm struck. Dozens of lives were lost in hospitals and nursing homes.

One reason the city was unable to help itself, investigators said, is that it never bought the basic equipment needed to respond to the long-predicted catastrophe. The Fire Department had asked for inflatable boats and generators, as well as an emergency food supply, but none were provided, a department official told investigators.

Timothy P. Bayard, a police narcotics commander assigned to lead a water rescue effort, said that with just three boats, not counting the two it commandeered and almost no working radios, his small team spent much of its time initially just trying to rescue detectives who themselves were trapped by rising water.

The investigators also determined that the federal Department of Transportation was not asked until Wednesday to provide buses to evacuate the Superdome and the convention center, meaning that evacuees sat there for perhaps two more days longer than necessary.

Mr. Brown acknowledged to investigators that he wished, in retrospect, that he had moved much earlier to turn over major aspects of the response effort to the Department of Defense. It was not until the middle of the week, he said, that he asked the military to take over the delivery and distribution of water, food and ice.

"In hindsight I should have done it right then," Mr. Brown told the House, referring to the Sunday before the storm hit.


Saturday, February 04, 2006

 

The Anti-Semantic Administration

By GRAYDON CARTER
http://www.vanityfair.com

The C.E.O. administration, as the George Bush White House liked to call itself when it came into office in 2000—before it became the "Mission Accomplished" administration in 2003—has become the semantic administration. Or, if you're actually a student of language, the anti-semantic administration. Like the Clinton White House before it, the Bush crew has imprisoned the English tongue. What is, or is not, torture? What is, or is not, extraordinary rendition (in layman's terms, the "outsourcing of torture")? Does the C.I.A., or does it not, operate foreign torture prisons? What is, or is not, global warming? The complete brilliance of the Bush administration is that the president has further clouded discourse (perhaps inadvertently) by devising a game plan altogether new in American politics—the One Damned Thing After Another Doctrine. In its simplest terms it is this: Screw up as many things in as many areas as possible, and in as little time as possible, and pray that neither the press nor the public will ever be able to keep up with all of it, or even some of it.

In line with the administration's attempt to remake America into everything we have long deplored came the charges late last year that U.S. troops had fired massive quantities of white phosphorus shells during a battle against the Iraqi Resistance in Fallujah in November 2004. The apparently reckless use of the chemical in a civilian area—in Fallujah it burned bodies, including those of women and children, caramelizing their flesh down to the bone, according to The Independent—is evocative of Saddam's gassing of the Kurds 16 years earlier. In typical fashion, the Pentagon at first denied the reports, calling them "widespread myths." Since then photographs and videos of victims, and interviews with U.S. soldiers who fought in Fallujah—and whose nickname for white phosphorous is "Willy Pete"—have told another story.

Vice President Dick Cheney, reportedly in the West Wing's doghouse for not delivering the speedy, slam-bam-thank-you-ma'am Iraq conquest he promised the president, is getting some unwanted ink in the foreign press, where they are beginning to refer to him in most unflattering terms. "War criminal" is one such epithet. Which may account for his weight gain. It may also account for his pre-Christmas surprise visit to the troops in Iraq and Afghanistan. Goodness only knows the cheer the vice president's tour brought to the weary soldiers who were there, so many miles from home during the holidays.

Cheney, on the other hand, had no such Yuletide melancholy. After enduring Iraq for nine hours, he eventually flew back to the U.S., comfortable in the knowledge that only a short jaunt from his "undisclosed location" in the capital was the $2.6 million waterfront house he just bought. It sits on nine acres on the Eastern Shore of Chesapeake Bay. And it's only a stone's throw from the home of his fellow Iraq-war architect Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld. One of the first things the vice president attended to, like many a new homeowner, was safety. Although planes over New York City now follow pretty much the same flight paths that they did before September 11, the vice president used the influence of his office to have the area around his new weekend home declared a "no-fly zone." Even when he's not there.

The president may have re-discovered Iraq in his flurry of stump speeches in December, but by year's end he most certainly seemed to have lost interest in New Orleans. It appears that through ineptitude or neglect, or a combination of both, we are gradually losing a great American city. The president proposed earmarking $3.1 billion to rebuild the levees that surround New Orleans. But those levees would be strong enough to withstand only a Category 3 hurricane—not the Category 4 storm that broke the levees in the first place. More than three months after Hurricane Katrina swamped New Orleans, just 10 percent of the city's buses are operating and fewer than 1 percent of the city's public schools are open. It can fairly be argued that Baghdad is in better shape than the Gulf Coast. It's certainly getting more attention from Washington.

The White House, meanwhile, is resisting congressional requests for access to files that record how Bush and his chief of staff, Andy Card, responded when they first got word of the potential devastation of Katrina. The special House committee investigating that response then downgraded the request, asking only for Card's communications. And that was rejected as well.

The administration's own desire for privacy is in complete contrast to its position that in its crusade for freedom abroad it must diminish everyone else's freedoms at home. The USA Patriot Act is a strong sword in this battle. Outright spying on Americans is another. Richard Nixon similarly used the apparatus of the U.S. government to eavesdrop on Americans who held views about the Vietnam War antithetical to his own. The president's interest in the affairs of others is a trait fraught with pitfalls. Indeed, it brings to mind the obituary of a well-regarded English lawyer named Patrick "Paddy" Pakenham which appeared in the Telegraph last June. During a drug trial in which Pakenham had clashed often with a testy judge, a bag of marijuana was produced in evidence. Bring it to me, the judge ordered. Whereupon he opened the bag and proceeded to place the contents in his mouth. Chewing it, the judge announced that it was indeed cannabis. And where was the substance found? he asked. Pakenham turned to the learned magistrate and said, "In the defendant's anus, my Lord."

Graydon Carter is the editor of Vanity Fair. His books include What We've Lost (Farrar, Straus and Giroux), a critique of the Bush administration, and Oscar Night: 75 Years of Hollywood Parties (Knopf).


Wednesday, February 01, 2006

 

The Big Fix

by DENNIS KUCINICH

[from the February 6, 2006 issue of The Nation]

Soon after Hurricane Katrina ripped through New Orleans and the Gulf Coast, destroying hundreds of thousands of homes and jobs, President Bush said the region looked like it had been obliterated by a weapon. It was. Indifference is a weapon of mass destruction. And the Bush Administration's indifference to the economic security of New Orleans residents continues to this day.

For the 500,000 evacuees still not back in their homes, unemployment is epidemic: About one-quarter of whites, and one-half of African-Americans, are still out of work. It's not because jobs are scarce; in fact, there is a labor shortage in New Orleans. Most of those who have returned from the Katrina diaspora have found jobs. The massive unemployment is caused by the lack of housing near the reconstruction job sites.

The indifferent Bush Administration, through the now-infamous FEMA, is compounding the unemployment problems of hurricane victims. FEMA located the largest temporary housing facility for evacuees ninety-one miles from New Orleans, in Baker, Louisiana. That's hardly a reasonable commute, especially for low-income folks. Barry Kaufman, business manager of Local 689 of the Construction and General Laborers, told the New York Times he had "at least 2,000" evacuees willing to take cleanup jobs. The trouble was getting them there; the local's hiring hall, along with thousands of evacuees, has been displaced to Baton Rouge, more than an hour's drive away.

So the cleanup jobs are going to out-of-town contractors, young single out-of-towners and undocumented workers. Not that these folks are getting a great deal either: President Bush suspended the Davis-Bacon Act, requiring that the area's average wage be paid on all federal construction projects. George Miller led the fight in Congress to roll back that suspension. But the President also lifted the requirement that all federal contractors have an affirmative-action plan, and the Department of Homeland Security granted a waiver to employers from collecting the immigration status of reconstruction hires.

Unlike the damage caused by Katrina, these problems are entirely man-made--and they can be solved. Several steps can be taken to address the employment problems the Administration has exacerbated. First, we need to put housing near jobs. ACORN has recommended that temporary housing facilities be re-sited in New Orleans, or as near the city as possible.

Second, all federal reconstruction contracts, subcontracts and grants should require corporate recipients to hire locally. A high standard, such as the 50 percent requirement in Senator Ted Kennedy's bill, or the 40 percent level in the Congressional Black Caucus's bill, should be the guide.

Third, let's recognize that New Orleans today is an extreme microcosm of America--saddled with a broken infrastructure and significant unemployment at a time when federal budget deficits are peaking and dampening the prospects of adequate rebuilding money. Nationally, estimates of what it will take to fix our crumbling infrastructure exceed $1 trillion.

Where will the money come from? Congress should direct the Federal Reserve to make zero-interest loans available to states and municipalities for the express purpose of modernizing and repairing our nation's schools, water systems, bridges and streets. These loans would be integrated into the normal open-market operations of the Fed, which controls the nation's money supply in a similar way.

I will be introducing the Repairing America's Infrastructure Act, a bill that already has bipartisan support, in the upcoming session of Congress. While creatively financing the rebuilding of New Orleans, we can start rebuilding the rest of America's infrastructure--and creating good jobs, with fair wages, in the process.

This article can be found on the web at,

http://www.thenation.com/doc/20060206/kucinich


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